Your most secret telegram 28th October. [1]

I would like to express the warm appreciation of your action in
informing the New Zealand Government of your views on the vital
question of war aims and to assure you that the ideas and ideals
you put forward have been closely considered by my colleagues and
myself Your sentiments in favour of a generous peace are shared
equally by us. While determined to pursue our war effort to the
limits of our strength we believe that we had a duty in
formulating war aims worthy of the sacrifices we are likely to be
called upon to make. The New Zealand Government are both ready and
anxious therefore to exchange views with the other Dominion
Governments and with Great Britain for the purpose of formulating
the terms of a just and lasting peace and we have requested Mr
Fraser [2] to raise this matter at the Ministerial Conference in
London and to express our view point in the sense set out in the
text following:-

1. Cabinet has given consideration to the views expressed in
Circular D.52 [3] and D.54 [4] dated 24th and 27th October, 1939,
from the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs also the relevant
statement from the Commonwealth Prime Minister dated 28th October.

2. It is, in our opinion, most essential not only that a fun and
frank discussion of war aims should take place but that the terms
should be formulated and published upon which members of the
British Commonwealth and France would be willing to negotiate with
Germany.

3. While making it clear that New Zealand is fully determined to
prosecute its effort against aggression and for the maintenance of
democracy it should be emphasized that the Government of this
country are equally anxious to ensure that the restoration of
peace on just terms should be the primary aim of the British
Commonwealth.

4. It might be stressed too that experience has abundantly shown
that good does not come out of a peace imposed by a victor on the
vanquished. We should therefore not wait until the exhaustion and
bitterness of war has rendered impossible a peace on equal and
rational terms, but rather take the earliest opportunity of making
an attempt to bring about sincere and constructive peace
discussions. It should also be made clear to the French that the
Commonwealth cannot be party to an ungenerous peace.

5. Since the German terms as announced by Hitler are unacceptable
[5] we must state our own, and Russia and the United States of
America and other nations should not be excluded in any effort to
induce Germany to discuss them.

6. We would like you to reiterate those views on the conduct of
international relations which we in New Zealand have consistently
expressed (see my speech at the Imperial Conference 21st May, 1937
Conference Report of the Minutes of the meeting and note to the
Secretary-General of the League of Nations dated 16th July, 1936).

You should re-affirm the unmistakeable belief in the collective
peace system and the ideals of the League of Nations, in the
framework of which we still believe effective guarantees against
aggression do exist.

7. In the formulation of war aims the following considerations
should be borne in mind: of the fundamental economic and political
causes of the war the political must not be underrated. The idea
of domination and expansion seems firmly fixed in some minds and
the threat to our own and the other nations' security is of vital
importance. It is no doubt truism that there can be no peace on
the basis of one nation being stronger than another but there
seems to be no cure for that present unstable position unless each
nation is willing to give up some element of its sovereignty in
favour of an international body under a system of collective
security, or at least a federation of European States.

8. We are concerned at the moment in fighting for a moral issue
wherein we are aspiring to substitute discussion and peaceful
settlement in place of the use of force, and to institute the rule
of law and acceptance of the principle of third-party judgment. It
is essential therefore that any peace should not confirm Germany's
aggression nor should we buy peace at the price of the liberty of
someone else. We should insist as a first condition of peace that
the small nations and peoples shall be guaranteed their freedom.

9. Though our immediate object is plain enough-the ending of
aggression, this is largely a negative aim and we must have
something more positive. Our ultimate aims must therefore be
formulated in order to convince our own people that peace is worth
striving for and that only for this is the war worth while
winning. At the same time we should seek to convince our opponents
that they, with us, can advance only in this manner. We have in
short to offer the German people some acceptable alternative to
their present position. And there remains finally the urgent
necessity of convincing neutral opinion that our cause is both
just and is essential to their own security and welfare.

10. The ultimate aims of the allies should include:-

(a) outlaw of aggression;

(b) the substitution of discussion and negotiation for force;

(c) guarantee of each nation's security;

(d) universal disarmament;

(e) restoration of respect for the sanctity of contracts. (This
presupposes just treaties and effective means of modifying
contracts by agreement);

(f) revival of the League of Nations or a substitute therefor or
addition thereto; e.g., a federation of European States.

(g) solution of economic questions; e.g. supplies of raw materials
and essential goods; transport facilities; exchange and finance;

ordered transit from war to peace economy, etc.

(h) increase in the welfare of the mass of people. (No peace is
worth while which does not result in raising the living standards
of the people).

11. In stressing these views we know they are in full accord with
your principles and we desire you to present them supported by
your own case on behalf of the Government.

M.J. SAVAGE