NAA: A1838, 677/1 PART 11

Canberra, 2 February 1973

1071. Confidential

Prime Minister's Visit

Following is the text of the PM's speech to the D.P.R.¹

Begins:

I am profoundly moved by the honour you have done me, and through me, my government and nation, in inviting me to address you. I do so now as a fellow parliamentarian.

When a little over two months ago I became Prime Minister, as leader of the majority party in the Australian Parliament, I placed a visit to Indonesia at the very head of my priorities. l was highly gratified by the warmth with which President Soeharto greeted my suggestion that I should come. The sincerity of that warmth has been made manifest in Jakarta in an unforgettable way. I and those travelling with me–members of my family, my staff, and my officials–have been deeply touched by the hospitality and generosity with which we have all been treated.

This visit comes at a time of great change–of great change in my own nation and of great change in our region. I want to emphasise, however, at the outset, that my visit symbolises continuity as well as change.

In June last year my predecessor as Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. William McMahon, visited Jakarta and addressed this assembly. On his return to Australia he told, as I shall tell, the people of Australia of the friendship which the people and government of Indonesia had extended to him and, through him, to Australia. Mr. McMahon was able to report that at the official level, his discussion had further advanced co-operation between out two countries. There was and is no partisan dispute in my country on this matter.

The change of government has made no change in Australia's desire for the closest co–operation with the government and people of Indonesia. I know that that wish is shared by the Indonesian government and people.

Australian-Indonesian friendship is a constant factor in a changing region and a changing world. The new Australian government has made many significant changes in Australia's international relations. It would have been strange indeed had it not been so, for my government was elected by the people of Australia with a mandate for change–for changes at home and abroad.

You will recall that my party–the Australian Labor Party–had been out of office for 23 years, having lost power before Indonesia finally won her great struggle for independence.

Over that period–but particularly in the last two years–important events have occurred in our region, presenting us all with new challenges and new opportunities. It is in the context of the new opportunities now opening up that I wish to put most of my remarks today.

On the day that I was sworn in as Prime Minister of Australia I made this statement to our people, which sums up the general approach of my government. I said:–

'My thinking is towards a more independent Australian stance in international affairs, an Australia which will be less militarily oriented and not open to suggestions of racism, an Australia which will enjoy a growing standing as a distinctive, tolerant, co-operative and well regarded nation not only in the Asian and Pacific region, but in the world at large.'

In the subsequent weeks my government has made a number of decisions designed to be particular applications of that general attitude. Although we assert our right to make our decisions independently, I can assure you that at all times we have been punctilious in informing our friends and our allies of our intentions and the reasons behind our actions. From the Indonesian Government in particular, we have received understanding and goodwill.

The great theme of my Government in 1973 is this: it seems to us that an opportunity for a settlement in Indo-China and South East Asia generally, presented itself in 1954 after Korea, after Geneva, but that this opportunity was tragically lost. Now another opportunity presents itself. My Government is determined to do all in its power to ensure the fulfilment of this second and perhaps last opportunity for a settlement.

Central to the failure of 1954 was the relationship–or rather lack of it–between the United States and China. I believe that in 1973, as in 1954, the American–China relationship is the key to a regional settlement. It is because of the potential importance of China to the region that my Government has acted swiftly to normalise the relations between Australia and the People's Republic.²

Though it was the first and most publicised of our early initiatives, I do not want it thought that we regard recognition of the People's Republic as the whole foundation, the centrepiece as it were, of my Government's foreign policy. Relations between Australia and China are of great importance, but they are only part of our general objective of a better understanding with and between all the nations of our region.

My Government believes that it has a responsibility to take a generous part in any international effort for the social and economic rehabilitation of Indo-China. There are several reasons why such responsibility devolves on us. Australia was one of the belligerents, although my Government has withdrawn all its forces from Viet Nam and ended its military involvement. Over and above that, we are a comparatively wealthy member of the community of nations in the South East Asian region, with a strong interest in the welfare of our neighbours.

Beyond the immediate question of an Indo-China settlement there is the wider question of new regional arrangements for the new situation emerging beyond Viet Nam.

Last month I visited New Zealand where a new Labor Government has also been elected. The New Zealand Prime Minister, Mr Kirk,³ and I expressed our intention of working with our Asian and Pacific neighbours in making adjustments to existing arrangements and seeking new forms of co-operation. We have already started to exchange ideas with our neighbours, and especially with Indonesia, to see if initiatives from Australia for a new regional organisation would in their view be timely or fruitful.

What we have in mind is an organisation genuinely representative of the region, without ideological overtones, conceived as an initiative to help free the region of the great power rivalries which have bedevilled its progress for so long, and which would be designed to insulate the region against ideological interference from the great powers.

I must immediately emphasise that there is no question of our seeking to change or enlarge the Association of South East Asian Nations. Our proposals are complementary to ASEAN. We regard ASEAN in its present form as an excellent and effective sub-regional organisation well able to represent and advance the common interests of its members. We do not seek to join it, but as a nation having friendly relations with all its members, we have the deepest interest in its continued existence and effectiveness.

In particular, we welcome and support the ASEAN concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, based on self-reliance and national resilience of the states in the region.

As you are aware, Australia has defence arrangements with two members of ASEAN, Singapore and Malaysia; joined with us in these five power arrangements are Great Britain and New Zealand. We see these arrangements as an interim measure towards assisting Malaysia and Singapore towards self-reliance. We hope that the eventual achievement of the ASEAN concept of a zone of peace and neutrality in South East Asia will render such arrangements unnecessary. In that event, we would wish to place our defence co-operation with Singapore and Malaysia on a new basis with the emphasis on joint training exercises. Further we would like to see this kind of co-operation with Australia extended to Indonesia, with whom we are already engaged in defence co-operation in several fields.

We favour informal co-operation of this kind with our regional neighbours. We do not believe, however, that fixed and formal military pacts, which had their origins in the Cold War situation of the '50's, are appropriate to the vastly different situation of the '70's.

There is one very great change about to occur in our region of very special importance and interest to Indonesia and Australia equally. Indonesia and Australia at present share a common border–the border between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. Before long that will no longer be true. Indonesia will share that border with an independent nation, the nation of Papua New Guinea.

I have just visited Papua New Guinea to explain my Government's plans to the people there. What I have tried to put to them is that a decision about independence is not just a decision on behalf of Papua New Guinea, it is also a decision on behalf of Australia. It involves–in a very real sense–Australia's vision of herself in the world. To put it plainly, Australia is not willing any longer to rule a colony. We regard it as grotesque that Australia of all countries should be one of the word's last colonial powers. It would be incredible if the Australian Labor Party which, in its last Government wholeheartedly supported the cause of Indonesian independence, were to accept willingly a colonial role in the 1970's.

It is not only a question of our responsibilities to the people of Papua New Guinea, it is not only a question of our clear responsibilities under the United Nations charter, it is a question of our responsibilities to ourselves. We are determined that we shall be true to ourselves and divest Australia of the colonial taint. But this in no way means that we are going to wash our hands of our real responsibilities towards the people of Papua New Guinea. We freely and gladly accept that for many, many years to come, Papua New Guinea will need continuing and substantial assistance from Australia. She shall have it–and this again is a policy which would not be changed even if there were a change in the government of Australia. But our true role is as a friend and neighbour, not as a ruler.

I believe that Indonesia can also play a valuable part as Papua New Guinea's friend and nearest neighbour. I hope the people of Papua New Guinea will look to Indonesia as an example of how peoples of different cultures and customs, of different languages, of different religions, at widely different stages of development, spread over a vast, divided and difficult terrain, can come together, live together and grow together as one great nation.

If I might sum up the general lines that my Government will follow, I should like to quote a brief passage I wrote 18 months ago when in opposition, for a book outlining for the people of Australia, the lines a Labor Government, if they elected one, would pursue. I wrote then:–

'Essentially a nation's foreign policy depends upon a balance between commitment and power.

Australia's first and fundamental commitment is to our own national security. This is a commitment quite commensurate with our power and our resources. Our second commitment is to a secure, united and friendly Papua New Guinea. This too is well within our power. Our lack of wisdom and foresight, rather than any lack of power and influence, is our real danger in this case. Our third commitment is to achieving friendly relations with our nearest and largest neighbour, Indonesia ....

Our fourth commitment is more general, because in this context our power becomes more generalised–it is our commitment to the peace and prosperity of the immediate region. Clearly our ambitions and aspirations on this level run beyond our actual power. Even so, we are far more influential than mere numbers would suggest ....

Our fifth commitment is to our own reputation; our power in this case lies in our will, not our resources. This taint of racism must be removed if we are to be a good neighbour in our region.'

These are the five great pillars on which my Government proposes to establish its international relations.

Once more let me express my deep gratitude for the manner in which you and the Government and people of Indonesia have received me. I am glad to have the opportunity so early in the life of my Government to reaffirm the existing links between our two countries and to forge new and stronger ones.

Living as we both do in a region which is in many ways the world's most turbulent and deprived, we cannot ignore the very great difficulties and complexities which lie ahead, for us and for our neighbours. Yet, even so, it is impossible not to hold real hope for the future, even while acknowledging the dangers.

There is, above all, the very real prospect that there will be no major international conflict in our neighbourhood in the foreseeable future. The region has seen 30 very dark and troubled years. There has not been a time since 1942 when we have not inflicted war on ourselves, or had it inflicted on us by others. It would be naïve to believe that we are now emerging into a period of profound peace. But at least we may look forward to a period of comparative peace–uneasy, fragile, imperfect, perhaps, but enough–if we have the will and determination–to allow us to create the conditions in our region by which we can reduce the scourges of poverty, starvation and illiteracy. In that war–a war that is really worth waging–I profoundly believe our two great countries will cement a deep and enduring, an unbreakable partnership.

Ends.

1 People's Representative Council, one of two houses of Indonesia's People's Consultative Assembly (the other being the Regional Representatives Council).

2 Canada established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China in October 1970, and Italy followed in November of the same year. China was admitted to the UN in October 1971. Australia established diplomatic relations with China in December 1972.

3 Norman Kirk, Prime Minister of New Zealand, 1972–74.