To-day the Canadian High Commissioner [1] left with me for my
personal information copy of memorandum [2] on Dumbarton Oaks
proposals which is being handed formally by Canadian Government to
United Kingdom, United States, Soviet, Chinese and French
Governments. The memorandum suggests that proposals regarding
membership of or election to Security Council should be revised by
the Great Powers before the document is formally submitted as
basis for an international conference.

2. The memorandum contrasts the position of the Great Powers,
which are assured of full participation in deliberations of
Security Council, with position of country like Canada, which
could be called upon to make a substantial contribution to world
security and commit itself to take drastic action in carrying out
the Security Council's decisions but which has no better assurance
of election to Council than the smallest and weakest State. The
memorandum continues:-

'It is open to question whether a country such as Canada could
undertake to accept such an obligation or could, if the obligation
were initially accepted, ensure effective collaboration in the
indefinite future. Canada certainly makes no claim to be regarded
as a great power. The Canadian record in two great wars, however,
has revealed both readiness to join in concerted action against
aggression and possession of substantial military and industrial
capacity. There are a number of other states the potential
contribution of which to the maintenance of future security is of
the same order of magnitude. The support of these states is
important to the maintenance of peace, and the active
collaboration of some at least of them would probably be required
for the execution of the majority of the decisions of the Security
Council under Chapter VIIIB of the proposals.

The question therefore, arises whether it is possible, within the
framework of the general scheme, to devise the means of
associating more effectively with the work of the Security Council
states of the order of international importance of Canada. This
might be achieved by making some changes in the power conferred on
the Council, and by ensuring that such states were chosen to fill
elected seats on the Council more frequently (or possibly for
longer periods) than states with less to contribute to the
maintenance of security.

It is suggested that the decisions of the Security Council under
Chapter VIIIB should be made binding in the first instance only on
the states which are members of the Council. States not
represented on the Council should be required to take positive
action only when the decision has been endorsed by a two-thirds
majority of the Assembly (when it would become binding on all
members), or when the country or countries concerned have by
special invitation participated on the same footing as the elected
members in the Council's proceedings, or when they have
individually agreed with the Council to join in a particular task
of enforcement. The adoption of these suggestions would make it
far easier for states other than the Great Powers to enter into
agreements making available to the organisation substantial
military forces, facilities and assistance, and would thus
increase the effective power at the disposal of the Council. Their
adoption would also help to secure the requisite public support in
countries not permanently represented on the Council.

By the acceptance of these suggestions a special responsibility
would be placed upon all members of the Security Council which
would not be imposed on other members of the organisation. Thus
the changes proposed in the authority of the Council must be
considered in conjunction with the suggestion for increasing the
effectiveness of the elected section, since they would increase
the need for ensuring that the elected section of the Council was
made up of states capable of contributing to the discharge of the
Council's obligations. A serious effort should therefore be made
to devise a system of election which would provide that due regard
must be paid to the international significance of the countries
chosen. If Chapter VIA of proposals was to be submitted in its
present form to a general conference of the United Nations, there
would be small chance of securing its amplification in this
respect, and it is, therefore, urged that the question should be
faced without delay in devising methods of achieving this end. It
will generally be agreed that it is important to discourage
election to the Council being sought for reasons of prestige, and
also to avoid the development of electoral understandings, such as
those which controlled election to the Council of the League of
Nations. While it is difficult to put a satisfactory formula, it
is believed, given the initiative and support of the Great Powers,
that the problem can be solved.'
3. Although the note proposes a modified system of election based
in principle on the International importance of the countries
chosen, it is pretty evident that the plain object of the
memorandum is to obtain a place on the Security Council for
Canada. I do not want to stand in the way of Canada but the claim
of Australia to a place on Council is equally strong, if not
stronger, having regard to our strategic position in the South
Pacific and the nature of our war effort. It is most important in
my view that at any given time either Australia or New Zealand
should be on the Council.

4. It seems to me that Canada and Australia should be able to make
common cause in securing representation on the Council for
secondary Powers and in obtaining proper recognition of their
position both as Dominions and as nations which have contributed
substantially to victory and may be expected to take a substantial
part in the maintenance of peace. The present move, however, may
not do more than Canada's own ambitions and may even be inimical
to Australian interests. In view of the fact that the question of
separate membership of
Security organisation for the Soviet Republics is still undecided,
the action may even be embarrassing.

5. Please let me know your reaction to the Canadian approach,
having regard to the importance of obtaining for Australia, or for
Australia and New Zealand, a seat on the Security Council without
prejudicing just claims of others. Therefore, while taking the
utmost care to leave the way fully open for close co-operation
with Canada, I think we should watch the present Canadian move
with the utmost care, particularly as it is doubtful whether the
amendments proposed by Canada in regard to the special security
agreements to be negotiated under Chapter VIII Section B would be
suitable to the circumstances of countries like Australia and New
Zealand. [3]