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Historical documents

207

18th July, 1929

PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL

(Due to arrive Canberra 18.8.29)

My dear P.M.,

I am afraid. this will be a scrappy letter, owing to extreme
pressure here. I have had the utmost difficulty in keeping my head
above water for months, going at high pressure from 9.15 a.m. till
6.30 p.m. Expedition business mainly responsible, and it cannot be
sidetracked-otherwise, although I say it, the ship wouldn't get
off in time.

There are a number of important matters in the wind-Singapore,
naval armaments, Egypt-apart from tariffs and preference.

To get an understanding of the present position here, you have to
realise that this Labour Government are rather suspicious and
distrustful of the C.I.D., the resolutions of which they think
(probably rightly) will conflict with the pure milk of the Labour
doctrine-and they therefore hesitate to put matters up to the
C.I.D., get their recommendation and then fly in the face of it.

They are therefore rather disposed to turn a blind eye to the
importance of certain 'political' questions being vetted by the
C.I.D.

The Foreign Office (in the shape of Sir Ronald Lindsay [1]) have
tried to take advantage of this in the matter of Egypt. They have
tried to rush the Anglo-Egyptian treaty negotiations straight from
the Foreign Office to the Cabinet-short circuiting the C.I.D.-and
Hankey [2] has had great difficulty in combatting this. It may be
necessary for me to telegraph you in this regard.

The comments of the Dominions are proving very valuable in the
matter of urging the Government into the right path-this really
means your telegraphic comments, as the other Dominions (except
New Zealand) never say anything worth saying. There is some reason
to think that it was your telegram and that of New Zealand that
made the Government decide to let the C.I.D. comment on the
Singapore and naval reduction questions. [3]

If the Egyptian business looks like going wrong, I will telegraph
you and perhaps again a telegram from you will tend to put it back
on the rails.

I am afraid, as I told you last week, that they are out after
Lloyd's [4] blood. It is a most underground machination and I
think much to the discredit of the Foreign Office. [5] Of course,
it is impossible for you to say anything by telegram that would
help Lloyd, as he is the servant of the Government here, but when
they begin to institute a policy in Egypt that represents a
reversal of Lloyd's policy, then you may be able to take a hand in
the business. As usual, the Foreign Office want to give away the
position-they are all for accepting Mahmoud's (Egyptian Premier)
proposal for us to evacuate all troops from Cairo and Alexandria
and defend the canal from the canal banks. [6]

However, you will get the gist of all this by telegram before this
letter and I will try and see you don't miss anything.

There has been a slight storm at Geneva. On the 8th July the
'Manchester Guardian' published a telegram from their Geneva
correspondent in which it was stated with reference to Sir
Granville Ryrie [7] and the Mandates Commission-'He appeared to
know much less on the situation in New Guinea than most of the
members of the Commission, and in many instances avowed his lack
of knowledge'.

This was telephoned to the High Commissioner at Geneva and he was
very disturbed about it, but was induced to ignore it and to make
no public reply.

This came about by reason of there having been a lot of questions
put to Sir Granville to which he could not reply and on which he
asked leave for Fuhrman [8] to reply for him-which arises out of
the fact that he won't read the papers with which he is supplied.

We hope we have managed to keep the above incident out of the
Australian papers by requesting the two Australian Press Agencies
here not to mention it. [9]

A company with a capital of 7 1/2 millions is being formed with
Sir Robert Horne [10], Inchcape [11], Sir Cecil Budd [12], the
Baillieus [13] and others on the Board. They will carry out zinc
and other non-ferrous smelting in this country and abroad. They
have applied to His Majesty's Government for the right to call
themselves the Imperial Smelting Corporation Limited.

Your telegram about the letter that Dame Janet Campbell will carry
to you from the Queen came too late to be effective, as the Queen
had already seen her and given her the letter. [14] However, the
letter that we drafted here included all the points that you
wanted. I would suggest that when Dame Janet gives you the letter,
you should hand it to the Governor-General [15] for 'release' to
the press. In any event I am told that constitutionally the Queen
could not send a letter of this sort to the Governor-General.

You will have seen from the Press Thomas' [16] scheme for
assisting the development of Crown Colonies and protectorates.

Briefly it is as follows-1,000,000 is to be found annually by the
Treasury for helping non-self-governing territories in various
small ways, such as straight out grants (e.g. to Fiji to buy a
ship for the Governor to move about in), contribution towards the
interest on Colonial loans and even in some cases finding money
for development where small and impoverished Colonies cannot raise
loans.

There is also to be the innovation of extending the benefits of
the Colonial Stock Acts to certain Crown Colonies-making their
loans Trustee securities. Permission also is sought to allow Crown
Colonies to add interest to capital indebtedness in cases where
their expenditure on public works does not bring them adequate
return (to meet service of the loan) for say five to ten years.

Most of this was contemplated rather vaguely by the Conservative
Government but never got on to paper-and this Government has
stolen their subdued thunder.

Kylsant [17] and his brother St. Davids [18] have had a public
controversy over the conduct of the affairs and finance of the
Royal Mail Steam Packet. I have not seen any of the Steamship
princes or anyone who can tell me the inside story of it, but I
enclose you a cutting.

I enclose a typical article on Australian Finance from the
'Financial Times' of 17th July. This sort of damaging article is
appearing with great regularity in the 'Financial Times'-which, as
you know, is owned by the Berry group, who should be open to
reason about this sort of thing.

I have met and talked to Marr [19]-and I have in consequence some
idea of your difficulties.

I am still learning to fly an aeroplane in odd moments but the
difficulty is to get lessons without too big gaps in between. I
landed a machine last Sunday for the first time-certainly with an
instructor on board too-bounced heavily but I did no damage-and
have had difficulty in not considering myself rather better than
other men ever since, but I suppose this will wear off.

We have actually started building a house in Westminster. Acquired
the freehold of the site a month ago and have just finished
demolishing the old houses on it.

I am, Yours sincerely,
R.G. CASEY


1 Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office.

2 Sir Maurice Hankey, Secretary to the Cabinet.

3 Bruce's cable to Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald of 12 July 1929
(on file AA:A981, Defence 350, iii) urged 'most strongly ... that
if any changes of consequence in Imperial Defence policy are
contemplated, such proposals should be made subject to inquiry and
discussion at a meeting of the Committee of Imperial Defence at
which the Australian High Commissioner and his technical advisors
would be present ...'
4 Lord Lloyd, High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan 1925-29.

5 See Letter 209.

6 In June 1929 the Egyptian Prime Minister, Muhammad Mahmoud
Pasha, a nationalist who earlier had been exiled, opened
negotiations with the new Labour Government. It was agreed, inter
alia, that British troops would remain only in the Suez Canal area
but the subsequent draft treaty was not implemented because of
political instability in Egypt. See Letter 209.

7 Australian High Commissioner. Each year the Permanent Mandates
Commission of the League of Nations publicly examined Australian
representatives about Australia's mandatory administration of New
Guinea and Nauru. Lacking a permanent representative in Geneva,
Australia in the 1920s depended largely on the High Commissioners
in London whose knowledge of the subject was not usually profound.

8 Major Osmond Fuhrman, secretary to Australian delegations to the
League 1922-37, on occasions acted as a representative.

9 Casey was excessively optimistic. Partly because of Ryrie's poor
performance, the Permanent Mandates Commission held over its
report on New Guinea for 1929 until it had received more adequate
information.

10 Chairman of several large firms, including the Zinc
Corporation.

11 Lord Inchcape, partner in and director of many large firms, and
Chairman of the P. & O. Line.

12 Company director and Chairman of the London Metal Exchange.

13 Including W.L. and Marshall Baillieu and W. L.'s son, Clive
(the future Lord Baillieu), later Chairman of the Imperial
Smelting Corporation.

14 Bruce had hoped for a royal message for release by the
Governor-General stressing the importance of improvements in
maternal and child welfare. Apparently it was thought that this
would be more likely to rouse the interest and co-operation of
Australian women than a letter carried by Dame Janet. See also
Letter 193.

15 Lord Stonehaven.

16 J.H. Thomas, Lord Privy Seal and Minister of Employment.

17 Lord Kylsant, Chairman and Managing Director of several
shipping companies, including the Royal Mail Steam Packet Co.

18 Lord St Davids.

19 Charles Mart, Assistant Minister and leader of the Australian
delegation to the 1929 League of Nations Assembly.


Last Updated: 11 September 2013
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